here says replacement in the 2030s
but super hercules would only be replace by 2045

why eh? isnt super hercules older then cn 235?

https://drive.google.com/file/d/1VGOZCB9jNC...iew?usp=sharing

There is a plan to fully utilise CN as MPA, tp sejauh mana plan tu x tau la.
Pasal apa MPA punya conversion sekarang pn US yang taja.

Charlie tu maintenance dia mmg on time, malah structure repairing pun boleh dibuat locally tu pasal dia boleh gi lama.

ps: kang tukar PTU tukar lagi la plan tuuu

Hahahaa

Lol. Ingatkan politicians Aje kaki flip flop, gomen  servants also flip flop as well.

So basically last guy want to convert CN as MPA
New guy want totally new platforms as MPA lah yer?
Thought turkey also ditch the CN 295 MPA for ATR 72. Guess it's useless as a platforms to find submarines?

The F-16 Block 72 for Indonesia: The Ideal Bridge to 5th Gen Capabilities

Three Reasons the F-16 Block 72 is the Ideal Bridge to Fifth-Generation Capabilities 

It’s not your standard fourth-generation aircraft.

The F-16 Block 72 incorporates the latest advances in technology and combat capability – many of which could be considered fifth generation. Here are three reasons why the powerful F-16 Block 72 can serve as a bridge between Indonesia’s current fleet of F-16s and fifth-generation aircraft like the F-35.

1. It could be considered a 4-and-a-half generation fighter.

Lockheed Martin is the only company in the world that has two operational fifth-generation fighters, the F-22 and F-35. That means Lockheed Martin can leverage the fifth-generation technologies of these platforms and integrate them back into the F-16 Block 72 for Indonesia – and vice versa.

For example, Northrop Grumman’s advanced APG-83 Advanced Electronically Scanned Array (AESA) radar provides 5th generation capabilities by leveraging hardware and software commonality with the F-22 and F-35 AESA radars. APG-83 shares 95% software commonality and 70% hardware commonality with the F-35 radar.

Overall, Lockheed Martin provides a proven and comprehensive high-value transfer of advanced aerospace technology and a transition plan from fourth to fifth generation.

2. Common infrastructure and supply chain.

With 34 F-16s already, the Indonesian Air Force has existing F-16 support equipment, spares, and trained pilots and maintenance personnel in place. Recently upgraded IDAF F-16A Block 15 aircraft brought mid-life structural enhancements and upgraded avionics to the fleet, and now these jets would complement Block 72 F-16s.

With this F-16 experience and infrastructure already in place, the F-16 Block 72 would allow for a more smooth, efficient transition and cost-effective operations because initial investments are complete. Additionally, with more than 3,000 F-16s in operation today by 25 countries, F-16 users worldwide can share information as well as sustainment projects and costs associated with maintaining the F-16 – many of which are common with fifth-generation users. In fact, about half of the F-16 supply chain is in common with the F-22 and F-35.

3. Building partnerships.

Many international F-35 users also operated the F-16 – either in the past or continuously today. Most upgraded their existing F-16 fleets to the latest configuration as an initial path in the transition to fifth-generation fighter technologies.

Today, the F-16 continues to serve as the workhouse of the NATO air fleet and allied defense missions around the world. By choosing the F-16 Block 72, Indonesia would join a network of nations operating earlier-model F-16s, new F-16s and F-35s. While any discussions on fifth-generation aircraft for Indonesia will begin with the U.S. government, the F-16 Block 72 offers the Indonesian Air Force a path to fifth-generation capabilities in the future.

LM should ask US gov pressing ID to cancel Rafale.

The thunderclap of Fincantieri in Indonesia strongly shakes France

The slap is enormous for the French export team. Especially since nobody saw it coming.

Michel Cabirol
June 17, 2021, 6:00
5 mins


Will Naval Group's FDI sink Fincantieri's FREMM? (Credits: Naval Group)

Fincantieri's mega-hit in Indonesia announced a week ago is making waves in France. Waves in depth for the moment even if a few bubbles rise to the surface as the great disappointment on Franco-Italian cooperation expressed by the General Delegate for Armaments (DGA) Joël Barre during his hearing at the National Assembly no open to the press. It must be said that the importance of the contract of 4.1 billion euros (six Italian FREMM frigates and the modernization and sale of two Maestrale frigates), rightly calls out in France at the time when the charge of the Lorient shipyard to Naval Group is not insured for the moment beyond 2028 (after the end of the construction of the five FDI frigates for the French Navy). And this especially since this contract is already in force, according to certain sources from La Tribune.

A lot of questions

Within Naval Group, which has not submitted offers, according to corroborating sources, and within the ministry, the announcement of the contract by Fincantieri surprised many and must have been difficult to digest. It also refers Naval Group and the government to its desire to engage in European cooperation at all costs, and particularly in the naval sector with Fincantieri within Naviris, the joint company specializing in surface vessels. The Indonesian contract of the Italian shipyard is therefore a huge slap in the face for France, which today feels betrayed by its partner. Perhaps out of naivety, the France team however gave the stick to be beaten.

Also, several questions arise after this huge French disappointment: why Naval Group did not submit an offer? What role did Naviris play in this offer? Why were the French so surprised by this announcement? Are the Italians reliable partners within Naviris? While the Italians, who have therefore sold six FREMMs to Indonesia, offer this type of frigates in Greece, Egypt and Saudi Arabia, why has France preferred the FDI to the FREMM?

Naval Group in Indonesia

In Indonesia, the French naval group has somewhat abandoned the surface ship campaigns launched by the Indonesian navy in favor of the prospect of submarines considered more strategic and, perhaps more affordable. It is a choice that was made several years ago by the former CEO Hervé Guillou, then continued by Pierre Eric Pommellet. Other sources believe that Naval Group was even prevented from submitting an offer due to secret agreements between Naval Group and Fincantieri, which shared the world commercially at the time of the creation of Naviris. In this context, Indonesia as well as the Philippines would have been "reserved" for Italian. This agreement did exist, according to a source familiar with the matter, but was torn apart by the blows of a penknife given by Fincantieri in countries "reserved" for Naval Group (Greece, Saudi Arabia and Egypt).

Was it Fincantieri or Naviris, which brought the Italian offer to Indonesia? The sale of the six Italian FREMMs is, according to our information, a project carried commercially by Fincantieri and carried on the political level by a state-to-state market. On the other hand, there is doubt about the renovation of the Maestrale, which could be carried out within the framework of the joint venture between Fincantieri and Naval Group. In any case, in France nobody saw anything coming. Neither the State, nor the intelligence services, nor Naval Group and nor Thales, whose Dutch subsidiary is nevertheless very present in Indonesia. Fincantieri negotiated to the end quietly in the greatest secrecy with Jakarta, where the announcement of the contract with Fincantieri is also making waves. Question: Weren't the compliance services too zealous in blindfolding and covering the ears of France in Indonesia, and more generally in the world?

According to sources only the Rafale and F-15 are in the latest Indonesian defense procurement list up to 2024. Either LM is aiming to kick Dassault or Boeing. I don't think Indonesia would accept all US made fighter jets (F-16 & F-15) as Indonesia won't put all their eggs in one basket.

Read more: https://www.latribune.fr/entreprises-financ...nce-886680.html

stranger things happened, and something in the Indonesian defence procurement list does not really mean anything.

For example they signed so many MOUs for the Iver and japan frigates, but in the end signed up for FREMMs, which was also not in the Indonesian defence procurement list.

The Iver Huitfeldt is a seperate deal. First steel cutting expected at the end of the year or early 2022. There was no MOU for Japanese frigates only a Transfer of Defense Equipment and Technology Agreement between Indonesia and Japan.

https://setkab.go.id/en/indonesia-japan-sig...se-cooperation/

For heavy frigates the Indonesian Navy is set to have 2 Iver Huitfeldt Class & 6 FREMM Bergamini Class.

Why 2 Ivers and 6 FREMMs?
ID changed decision about Iver and go for FREMM?

Unconfirmed report for the Iver there is an option for another 6 units.

The Iver Huitfeldt is a seperate deal. First steel cutting expected at the end of the year or early 2022. There was no MOU for Japanese frigates only a Transfer of Defense Equipment and Technology Agreement between Indonesia and Japan.

https://setkab.go.id/en/indonesia-japan-sig...se-cooperation/

For heavy frigates the Indonesian Navy is set to have 2 Iver Huitfeldt Class & 6 FREMM Bergamini Class.

Iver is not a separate deal. There is no deal for the Iver so far.

Iver is the favourite of the Navy itself.

FREMM is what the Indonesian ministry of defence signed up for.

Which is why Kepala Dinas Penerangan Angkatan Laut Laksamana Pertama TNI Julius Widjojono does not want to comment on the FREMM when asked.

https://nasional.tempo.co/read/1471502/keme...ta-merek-khusus

Its Indonesia, and like malaysia, expect wahyu dari langit types of orders as normal.

Indonesia signs preamble contract for construction of two Iver Huitfedlt-class frigates

02 JULY 2020

The Indonesian Ministry of Defense has signed a preliminary contract with the representative of Danish Odense Maritime Technology to supply two Iver Huitfeldt class frigates within five years at a total cost of $ 720 million.

OMT has promoted their Ivan Huitfeldt-class frigate as the basis for Indonesian’s new large frigate requirements, with the Indonesian MOD agreeing it to be the best solution among several choices considered.

The Indonesian variant is expected to have a different exterior design, subsystem layout and sensor and weapon systems fit, the basic design features are expected to be similar to the Royal Danish Navy’s variant.

20 APRIL 2021

Indonesia engages German, Turkish firms to customise frigate design

by Ridzwan Rahmat

Indonesian state-owned shipbuilder PT PAL has engaged German naval consultancy, MTG Marinetechnik, and Turkish engineering firm FIGES AS, to customise the design of a new frigate class that it will be constructing for the Indonesian Navy.

PT PAL has engaged consultants to customise a derivative of Denmark’s Iver Huitfeldt frigate, of which the first-of-class is seen here, for Indonesian Navy requirements. (Guy Toremans)

According to a statement released by the defence ministry on 31 March, the frigate design is one that has been offered by Babcock, which implies that the design consultancy services pertain to the Indonesian Navy’s (Tentara Nasional Indonesia – Angkatan Laut: TNI-AL’s) follow-on Martadinata-class frigates. As Janes reported in March 2021, the Arrowhead 140 concept from a consortium led by Babcock is one of the candidates that Indonesia is considering as follow-on ships to the Martadinata class.

However, Janes has since verified with a source close to the process that Marinetechnik and FIGES are instead assisting PT PAL with the TNI-AL’s contract for a variant of the Iver Huitfeldt class, the contract for which was signed in April 2020.

The Italian slap that angers France

Lorenzo Vita
19 JUNE 2021

France is not there. The Italian move (by Fincantieri) to grab a contract with Indonesia of about 4 billion for the sale of six Fremm frigates plus modernization and sale of two other Maestrale class frigates continues to hold ground in Paris. And there are many who are now wondering about the reasons behind an agreement which, if it demonstrates the excellent Italian ability to snatch business around the world, at the same time proves more than one difficulty on the French side. Difficulty that burns even more to the French because they are partners, together with Fincantieri, precisely for the realization of the Fremm.

Something has obviously gone wrong. La Tribune, a French newspaper very involved in issues related to defense and the war industry, described not only the anger of Naval Group, which is part, together with Fincantieri, of the Naviris group, but also the disappointment of the general delegate for armaments, Joël Barre, who spoke about it during a hearing at the National Assembly. An economic question, of course, but above all of national pride, because it is clear that being outclassed by a country that shares the same industrial group is a setback that also represents a warning signal for the entire French war industry. There are even those who have suggested that there is a secret agreement between the French and Italian giant to divide up the customers, and therefore Italy would have had a sort of priority for Indonesia and the Philippines. But what transpires from these first reports is that the entire French defense industry is in turmoil: a sector characterized by silence, hidden moves and little desire to speak in the press. If this time this boiling reaches the surface, involving media and politics, it therefore means that the underground earthquake was much greater than we could expect.

In fact, the issue does not only concern Indonesia, but the entire French industrial plan and the ability to export it abroad. In the military field, Emmanuel Macron (like all his predecessors) has always shown off the military sector as a cornerstone of his diplomacy. Sales of the Rafale, Dassault's fighters, are exemplary in this sense. Where the Elysée arrives, French warplanes usually also arrive, as demonstrated by the contracts signed with Qatar, Egypt, India and Greece. The latter, in particular, was the subject of a real enveloping maneuver by Paris, which first supported it against Turkey and then convinced it to buy 18 Rafale, 12 of which have already been used by the French Air Force.

However, if the air sector still manages to express its own "geopolitics", the naval question is different. Italy, which has excellent relations with France in this area confirmed by the Fremm and Horizon projects, has managed to maneuver with great intelligence even in countries considered not strictly linked to the Made in Italy defense industry. The clearest demonstration of this Italian strategy came from the sale of the Fremms to Egypt, which, in addition to being described in the framework of the complex bilateral relationship due to the Regeni case, should also be framed as an agreement that wrested billions from Cairo which, very much probably, they would go to Paris. But in addition to the sale of the two ships to the Egyptian Navy, we must not forget the numerous agreements with the American Navy, with the Qatari Navy, the agreements with the United Arab Emirates and finally a whole series of operations that have very often represented a real thorn in the side of French industrial diplomacy.

And now, after the Indonesia question, another front could also open up: the Greek one. In these days, Naval News confirmed that in a meeting on the acquisition of new frigates which was also attended by Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis, the Greek government would have selected the offers of six countries: France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom and United States. Spain, which had come forward with Navantia's offer, would therefore have been excluded. Fincantieri should always propose the Fremm in Athens, by now a real Italian asset for surface vehicles. France thought it already had the agreement in hand after the one signed for the Hellenic Air Force. A new slap in the face from the Italian side, in a country that it considers partners both on the Libyan front and on that of the eastern Mediterranean, could be much heavier than that already suffered in Indonesia.