Rafale Deal For 36 Fighter Jets Finally Sealed After Long Wait: 10 Facts

All India | Edited by Shuchi Shukla | Updated: September 23, 2016 13:11 IST



New Delhi:  More than a decade after India decided to buy a new line of fighter aircraft for the Air Force, the government today signed the deal for 36 Rafale fighters with France.

Here are the key aspects of the deal

1. Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar and his French counterpart Jean Yves LeDrian signed the contract in Delhi on Friday after years of tortuous negotiations between the two countries.
2. India will pay about Rs. 58,000 crore or 7.8 billion Euros for 36 off-the-shelf Dassault Rafale twin-engine fighters. About 15 per cent of this cost is being paid in advance.
3. India will also get spares and weaponry, including the Meteor missile, considered among the most advanced in the world.
4. Sources tracking the final negotiations had confirmed to NDTV that the IAF's Rafales will come equipped with the Meteor designed to knock out enemy aircraft and cruise missiles significantly more than 100 km away.
5. The acquisition of this weapon is likely to be game changer in South Asia. Neither Pakistan nor China, India's traditional military adversaries, possess a weapon of the same class. 
6. The first Rafale warplanes are slated to be delivered roughly within 18 months of the signing of the final contract.
7. There is an accompanying offset clause through which France will invest 30 per cent of the 7.8 billion Euros in India's military aeronautics-related research programmes and 20 percent into local production of Rafale components.
8. The deal could not be signed this January when French President Francois Hollande was the Chief Guest for the Republic Day because India wanted a better price.
9. For the Indian Air Force, the deal is bitter-sweet. On one hand, they will be getting two squadrons of the state-of-the-art fighter, on the other hand, the original requirement was for at least 126 jets.
10. India needs at least 42 squadrons of fighters and has an existing strength of 32. The fighter fleet will go down further by about 10 squadrons as the MiG-21 fighter will have to be decommissioned.

7.8 billion Euros for 36 off-the-shelf Dassault Rafale 

If converted to ringgit, its about RM 1b per aircraft....  i doubt malaysia will acquired it...

you must learn detail not jut base on total number. the price is including 50% offset  with TOT/IP licensing to make in India.
From total just jet if self only 3.8b for 36 unit means single unit Rafale just USD 105 milllion.  out requrement only 18 unit means about 1.9b + 400mil for missile/bomb, plus , spare parts, maintenance, training, for 400 million too.  hopefully if our RMAF get Rafale (if only) also include HUD module & Thales topsignt helmet . so total will below usd 3b. and we no need TOT/IP, offcouse our policy is offset is 5%.

india still needs to pay 7.8b euro...

Btw, lets compare to others deal.

Egypt bought 24 units(plus package) for 5.2b euro  ( 217m euro per units @ rm997m
Qatar bought 24 units(plus package)for  6.3b euro  (262m euro per unit @  rm 1.2b

Comparing these deals, the amount still around rm1b per unit plus packages...

that is India,Egypt, Qatar packages
our packages much simple compare to them。

india still needs to pay 7.8b euro...

Btw, lets compare to others deal.

Egypt bought 24 units(plus package) for 5.2b euro  ( 217m euro per units @ rm997m
Qatar bought 24 units(plus package)for  6.3b euro  (262m euro per unit @  rm 1.2b

Comparing these deals, the amount still around rm1b per unit plus packages...

It’s Time for the U.S. to Pivot to Indonesia

8 hours ago | Updated 8 hours ago

Stanley Weiss Founding Chairman, Business Executives for National Security

China also continues to build up its coast guard and fishing fleets, which is where Indonesia directly enters the fray. Over the past five years, there have been a number of clashes between Chinese fishing vessels and the Indonesian navy over the Indonesia-owned Natuna islands, which China now also claims. As one journalist recently observed, “Beijing uses these fishing ships as a kind of militia to harass and block other nation’s vessels from accessing the vital trade routes and fishing grounds.”

Indonesians have had enough. Beginning in late 2014, led by Jokowi and Fisheries minister Susi Pudjiastuti, this island nation has taken the extraordinary step of blowing up more than 220 seized fishing vessels in public events that have sent an unmistakable message to Beijing. In June, to reinforce that show of strength, Jokowi made a high-profile visit to the Natunas.

“Taking sides on the South China Sea issue is not something we traditionally do,” a respected editor says to me. “We won’t take the U.S. side on this. But we may lean.” However, a well-connected consultant confides that “Jokowi recently told (me) in a private meeting that he is now ready to face South China Sea issues. He is interested in China now and being assertive.”

It’s a moment tailor-made for the U.S. to strengthen relations with Jakarta. How? Three ways.

First, our next President should visit Indonesia as soon as possible, and make clear: while Obama’s focus was on expanding alliances with Japan and Korea, facilitating change in Myanmar, and improving relations with Vietnam and India, the top priority for the next four years is Indonesia. That’s especially important for Clinton, whose time as Obama’s Secretary of State left people here “skeptical of her” one insider confides. A substantive presidential visit would bolster her standing and signal that the U.S. is serious about pivoting to Indonesia.

Second, the U.S. should support Indonesia’s emerging assertiveness on South China Sea issues. That includes offering Indonesia more maritime capabilities so that it can stand up for itself at sea - including, modernized Coast Guard vessels and training. Former Minister of Defense Juwono Sudarsono believes this is something Trump would do, expressing confidence “Trump will win and he will change.”

Finally, the next Administration must articulate a creative strategy for our economic relationship that contrasts with China’s strategy of “exploit and extract.” There is a fear here that Indonesia’s growing dependence on China - it recently ranked 10th in a Forbes list of the “Top 10 China-Dependent Countries” - could compromise its assertiveness on the South China Sea. U.S. economic and business-to-business engagement should offer a vision that empowers, instead of extracts from, Indonesia. That means investing in education and development, supporting innovation and entrepreneurship, and giving Jakarta an alternative to China in its race to improve its gridlocked economy. It also means finding a way to make the proposed trade pact between the U.S. and 11 Pacific rim nations, known as the Trans-Pacific Partnership—which is projected to bring $26 billion in trade to Indonesia—work.

Lastly, no matter who wins in November, there is one thing the next President should do: invite Jokowi to visit and work to secure an invitation for him to address Congress. The last, and only, time an Indonesian leader spoke to Congress was in 1956 - when Trump was nine, Clinton was eight, and Jokowi was five years from being born. Sixty years is too long. It’s time to bring the relationship between the world’s oldest democracy and the world’s largest Muslim-majority democracy into the 21st Century—no matter who sits in the Oval Office.

One of the joint Ex. yang pernah buat Singapore tak senang duduk.