Jun 5 2025, 06:49 PM, updated 7 months ago
QUOTE
“Why Does PAS Gain More Support When There Are More Karens in PJ?”
#Two Malaysias: A Class Rebellion
In recent years, PAS has been gaining more support among Malay voters, leaving many urban middle-class Malaysians—especially liberal Chinese—feeling confused and uneasy. They often analyze politics using terms like “secularism” and “modernization,” but can’t seem to grasp why so many Malays are voting for what appears to be a religiously conservative party. If we set aside these elite perspectives and instead look at things through the lens of class, culture, and language, we might realize that PAS’s rise isn’t just about a religious resurgence. It’s actually a response from the Malay working class to the cultural arrogance and economic exclusion of the liberal elites.
Take the “Karen culture” as an example—it’s particularly pronounced in Malaysia, and PJ (Petaling Jaya) is a classic case. Urban middle-class folks there often scrutinize and criticize the lifestyle of the Malay masses from a high horse, labeling them as too conservative or traditional. But they fail to realize just how crushing the pressure of living at the bottom really is. The buzzwords of inclusivity, diversity, and modernization sound cool, but in reality, the lifestyles and discourse of these liberals are worlds apart from the struggles of the ordinary rakyat. It’s what people call #DrinkingWineAndCriticizingTheGovernment. This “I know what’s best for you” attitude only widens the class divide, making many Malays feel looked down upon and excluded. This resentment, in turn, fuels PAS’s growth.
Why does PAS benefit from more Karens in PJ?
The answer lies in how class divides create cultural and linguistic gaps. Liberals often talk about LGBTQ rights, environmental protection, and institutional reform—topics that align with middle-class concerns over security and identity. But for the working-class Malays, their worries are about rising rice prices, expensive petrol, and their children’s education. These survival issues directly shape their voting behavior. PAS has tapped into this reality, positioning itself as a “protector” of the working class, representing their economic interests while offering cultural affirmation. To many Malays, the liberal rhetoric isn’t about understanding them—it’s about criticizing and excluding them.
So, PAS’s rise isn’t just about religious conservatism making a comeback; it’s a manifestation of class politics. It reflects how economic and cultural pressures are driving the Malay working class to push back against the urban liberals and elites. PAS has given them a sense of belonging and become a political vehicle for class resistance, challenging the cultural dominance and discourse power of the liberal elites.
To address this deep class divide, liberals must confront their own class biases. They need to ditch the condescending attitude, genuinely let go of their superiority complex, and start engaging in ways the working class can relate to—using Bahasa Malaysia and perspectives that resonate with them. Only when class struggles are acknowledged and language becomes a bridge between different strata can Malaysia truly move toward inclusivity and unity.
#Two Malaysias: A Class Rebellion
In recent years, PAS has been gaining more support among Malay voters, leaving many urban middle-class Malaysians—especially liberal Chinese—feeling confused and uneasy. They often analyze politics using terms like “secularism” and “modernization,” but can’t seem to grasp why so many Malays are voting for what appears to be a religiously conservative party. If we set aside these elite perspectives and instead look at things through the lens of class, culture, and language, we might realize that PAS’s rise isn’t just about a religious resurgence. It’s actually a response from the Malay working class to the cultural arrogance and economic exclusion of the liberal elites.
Take the “Karen culture” as an example—it’s particularly pronounced in Malaysia, and PJ (Petaling Jaya) is a classic case. Urban middle-class folks there often scrutinize and criticize the lifestyle of the Malay masses from a high horse, labeling them as too conservative or traditional. But they fail to realize just how crushing the pressure of living at the bottom really is. The buzzwords of inclusivity, diversity, and modernization sound cool, but in reality, the lifestyles and discourse of these liberals are worlds apart from the struggles of the ordinary rakyat. It’s what people call #DrinkingWineAndCriticizingTheGovernment. This “I know what’s best for you” attitude only widens the class divide, making many Malays feel looked down upon and excluded. This resentment, in turn, fuels PAS’s growth.
Why does PAS benefit from more Karens in PJ?
The answer lies in how class divides create cultural and linguistic gaps. Liberals often talk about LGBTQ rights, environmental protection, and institutional reform—topics that align with middle-class concerns over security and identity. But for the working-class Malays, their worries are about rising rice prices, expensive petrol, and their children’s education. These survival issues directly shape their voting behavior. PAS has tapped into this reality, positioning itself as a “protector” of the working class, representing their economic interests while offering cultural affirmation. To many Malays, the liberal rhetoric isn’t about understanding them—it’s about criticizing and excluding them.
So, PAS’s rise isn’t just about religious conservatism making a comeback; it’s a manifestation of class politics. It reflects how economic and cultural pressures are driving the Malay working class to push back against the urban liberals and elites. PAS has given them a sense of belonging and become a political vehicle for class resistance, challenging the cultural dominance and discourse power of the liberal elites.
To address this deep class divide, liberals must confront their own class biases. They need to ditch the condescending attitude, genuinely let go of their superiority complex, and start engaging in ways the working class can relate to—using Bahasa Malaysia and perspectives that resonate with them. Only when class struggles are acknowledged and language becomes a bridge between different strata can Malaysia truly move toward inclusivity and unity.
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